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Speech by Dr Wilbroad Slaa to the Students of the University of Samford-USA. - THE EAST AFRICA TIMES

Speech by Dr Wilbroad Slaa to the Students of the University of Samford-USA. - THE EAST AFRICA TIMES

Taasisi ya mwalimu nyerere yaja na mbinu mpya kuwafikia Watanzania wote

The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation and Push Mobile Media launches Tumuenzi Mwalimu Nyerere Mobile project.

10 October 2013 at 17:04

Dar es Salaam. The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation and Push Mobile Media have launched a Video, Audio & Text SMS service that will enable Tanzanians to access, watch and read extracts from speeches of the Father of the Nation, the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, via their mobile phone across all networks.

The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation Director Mr. Joseph Butiku said the Mobile TV and SMS speeches service is part of a continuing effort to commemorate the legacy of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere the Founding President of Tanzania. The major purpose of this project is to remind Tanzanians, Africa and the world generally that Mwalimu stood for. His speeches are not ephemeral: they stand the test of time. They were valid yesterday, valid today and valid tomorrow.

Mr Butiku went on to explain that to get one of these speech’s through your mobile phone, all you have to do is to send Hotuba to the short code 15678 and you can access the Mwalimu Nyerere’s speech’s extracts, pictures and send Nyerere  to 15678 to get Mwl Nyerere speech quotation.

The permanent project is for all cell-phone companies in the country, whereby people who want to access the speeches will pay the normal prices set by companies. According to Mr. Freddie Manento, it is fairly difficulty for the ordinary Tanzanian citizen to get instant access to the speeches of the Mwalimu Nyerere. Mr. Manento explained that these speeches are a useful memorabilia in Tanzanian society at all levels including researchers and scholars.

Realizing the great need and demand to have access to these speeches in Tanzania and elsewhere, the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation with the technical services of Push Mobile Media have decided to launch this project for the benefit of Tanzanians and the public at large.

He went on to say that no one can forget the contribution made by Mwalimu Nyerere in this country, Africa and the World. Giving access to his speeches via the mobile phone, existing and future generations will be able to acquire his philosophy and his contribution to Tanzania and humanity.

"We at Push Mobile Media welcome you to subscribe to this service and keep the memory of the Founding Father throughout the new vibrant and ever changing digital era.” said Push Mobile Managing Director  Mr. Manento. Mwalimu is physically not with us but his wisdom, leadership contribution still live on.

The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation Director Mr. Joseph Butiku (Right) and Push Mobile Managing Director Mr. Freddie Manento (Left) during a Mobile Project launch of Tumuenzi Mwalimu Nyerere earlier this week at Double Tree Hotel in Masaki. The project aim at giving access to Mwalimu Nyerere speeches via the mobile phone, existing and future generations will be able to acquire his philosophy and his contribution to Tanzania and humanity. By Push Mobile.

Iryn Namubiru - Birowoozo on OurMusiq.com Ugandan Music (+playlist)

10 Common Leadership & Management Mistakes - Leadership Skills From MindTools.com

10 Common Leadership & Management Mistakes - Leadership Skills From MindTools.com

Multi-billion dollar funds to focus on Africa's infrastructure potential

Africa Development Bank report 2013

democratic behavior through youth dialogue and debate

assemble youth through their
> groups and pear groups to discuss mettars related to democracy
>conduct media debate
>essay writing and publication for those in schools and CSOs
>encourage them to take role and contest for leadership positions
in their community
>conduct seminars and conferences on democracy
>conduct research on youth engagement on politics and leadership of the community.

TUMUENZI MWALIMU NYERERE KWA VITENDO

"matendo ukizi haja kuliko maneno" ni miaka kumi na nne sasa tangu baba wa taifa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere atutoke. Tumekuwa na majonzi maumivu na masononeko ya kumukosa kiongozi wetu mpendwa, lakini tusingeweza hata kidogo kuzuia maamuzu ya Mwenyezi Mungu. Kutokuwepo kwake tumeshuhudia madhira mengi hapa nchini rushwa matabaka ya wenye nacho na wasio nacho, ukandamizwaji wa haki za watu, unyonyaji wa waziwazi, ubwenyeye na mengine mengi.

katika mambo makubwa ambayo kimsingi Watanzania hatutayasahau ni "imani na matendo" ya Mwalimu Nyerere wakati wa uhai wake na katika mambo yote aliyo yaandika wakati wa uhai wake. Mwalimu Nyerere amekuwa katika wanafalsafa, wasomi na wanasiasa wa ulimwengu huu ambao imani yao ilikuwa katika "usawa", "haki" "umoja na mshikamano". Mwalimu Nyerere hakupenda unyonyaji hivyo hakutenda matendo hayo, alichukia sana rushwa mpaka kiasi cha kuamua kuvunja sheria alipo tunga sheria ya kuwachapa viboko wala rushwa na watoa rushwa akihutubia Mwalimu Nyerere alisema"mtu akila rushwa, akipokea rushwa, aliyetoa, aliyepokea wazanaki wanasema wote mazaganyanza, wote watapata misukosuko........ akisha kuthibitika mahakamani kwamba katoa rushwa, kwamba kapokea rushwa, hatukumuachia hakimu uamuzi wa hadhabu tukasema atakwenda dani kwa muda husiopungua miaka miwili, atapata viboko ishirini na vinne, kumi na viwili siku anaingia na kumi na viwili siku anatoka akamuonyeshe mkewe" .

 Mwalimu alijali watu bila kujali makabila yao, dini zao, maeneo yao wanayotoka. Mwaka 1962 aliamua kuacha madaraka yake ya uwaziri mkuu ili  kupigania haki ya Watanganyika kupata nchi kamili. na mwaka huo alifanikiwa katika kazi hiyo. ili linatuonyesha kuwa Mwalimu hakuwa na uroho wa madaraka.

Mwaka 1964 alishirikianan na Watanzania wengine katika harakati za kuunganisha Tanganyika na Zanzibar ilikuwa na nchi moja yenye nguvu.

Matendo yake hayo na imani ya usawa na haki na amani, mwaka 1967 alianzisha "siasa ya ujamaa na kujitegemea", lengo lake kubwa likiwa ni kutaka mgawanyo sawa wa raslimali za nchi kwa wananchi wote wa Tanzania.  Pia siasa hiyo ililenga kuondoa mazingira ya ukandamizwaji, unyonywaji na udhalilishwaji wa binadamu. Mwalimu aliamini kuwa binadamu wote ni sawa. Imani ya TANU ya kwanza ilitamka kuwa  "binadamu wote ni sawa" na ya pili ilisema kuwa "kwamba kila mtu anastahili heshima"

Mwalimu Nyerere katika hotuba aliyoitoa mwaka  1967 kwa wanachuo wa chuo cha ualimu Chang'ombe alisema kuwa " binadamu wote ni sawa .......basi lazima tukubali kwamba kunyonywa na kudhaliwa kwa binadamu mahali popote  ni kuonewa, kunyonywa, na kudhiliwa kwa binadamu wote. binadamu wote wanapunguzwa utu wao kwa uovu wao" Maneno haya yanamdhihirisha Mwalimu Nyerere alikuwa mtu wa aina gani. Hukiona au kusikia hivi je unapata swali gani. nadhani swali la kwanza linalojitokeza ni nani anaishi maisha haya kwa sasa?

swali hili linaweza kujibiwa kwa kunyosheana vidole au kujinasibisha na Mwalimu Nyerere, kwa midomo tu na kushindwa kutenda. Kwa sasa tukizungumza mambo ya rushwa utaona rushwa zipo mpaka hadi watu wake wa karibu, unyonyaji na unyanysaji , ukandamizaji yote haya yanatendwa na wale ambao kwa wakati mwingine watanzania na dunia nzima haiamini kuwa wanatenda hivyo.

hakuna mtu anaweza kumunyoshea Mwalimu Nyerere kuhusu suala la kuheshimu utu wa mtu. lakini sasa watu wengi walitegemea zao lake lingeendeleza utu na usawa wa binadamu.

tukiangalia matendo ya viongozi wetu wa kisiasa, kidini, kijamii na makazini huko tunakoishi tunashuhudia kabisa vitendo vya ukandamizaji, unyonyaji, udhalilishwaji na mengine mengi.



tunabudi watanzania tujitathimini na kujiuliza ni wapi tumekosea na tunahitaji kukosoa nini ili tutende yale tuliyoelekezwa na Mwalimu Nyerere. tanzania inanuka rushwa, matabaka  na umaskini.

revolutionist qoute

"let nobody fool you, all the loud noises we hear today are nothing but the death groan of the dying system

. the old order is passing away, the new order is coming into being. but whenever there is anything new there new responsibilities. as we think of this coming new world we must think of challenges that we confront and the new responsibilities that stand before us. we must prepare to live in anew world"

        Martin Luther King Jr., august 11, 1956

kufungia vyombo vya habari ni kufisha demokrasia.

Demokrasia ni utawala shirikishi kwa ufupi yaani ni mfumo au muundo wa utawala unaotegemea sana uwazi,usawa, uwajibikaji, haki za binadamu na serikali inayoongozwa na wananchi wenyewe kupitia wawakilishi wao. Kimsingi suala la ushiriki wa wananchi linajikita katika maoni ya wananchi na taarifa kwa wananchi.

Na utawala wa kidemokrasia unategemea vyombo vya habari ndivyo viwe chachu ya taarifa kwa wananchi na kwa serikali kutoka kwa wananchi. kwa msingi huo vyombo vya habari vinawajibu wa kukusanya, kuchunguza na kutoa taarifa kwa wananchi na vivyo hivyo kutoka kwa wananchi kwenda kwa serikali. mfano chombo cha habari kinaweza kutafiti habari za hatari kwa dola zilizo kwa wananchi na kupeleka kwa dola au kutoka kwa dola dhidi ya wananchi.

kwa msingi huo suala la uwazi na kuheshimu maoni ya watu, pamoja na haki ya kupata habari vinakuwa ndio msingi mkuu wa demokrasia. dola lolote lile linawajibu wa kuhakikisha vyombo vya habari hivi vinafanya kazi katika misingi ya usawa bila kupendelea makundi ya watu fulani ndani ya jamii.

sasa nikizungumzia ufingiwaji wa vyombo vya habari hapa tanzania zikiwemo redio, na magazeti vimekuwa vikwazo vikubwa vya kufisha haki hiyo ya kidemokrasia na utawala bora. kwani inaonesha wazi kuwa ufungiwaji huu unakuwa mara nyingi ukilenga kuwanyima wananchi taarifa ambazo kimsingi wanahitaji kuzipata.

jambo hili linafisha demokrasia nchini na kusababisha watu kuwa katika mazingira ya woga na wasi wasi.

MIFUKO YA PLASTIC NI HATARI

tunayo mazingira mazuri ambyo mwenyezi Mungu katupa bure, mfano mzuri ni maeneo haya ya mlima wa kilimanjaro,  lakini mazingira haya kunauwezekano mkubwa kwamba hayatakuwepo kama mimi na wewe hatutatunza mazingira haya hili yatutuze.

mfuko kama huu ni mmoja lakini hathari zake ni zaidi ya million moja kwanza udongo utakufa kwakuwa mfuko huo hauhozi haraka. lakini pia mnyama kama huyo anyekula chakula chake kwa raha zote atakufa baada ya kumaliza chakula chake.

Eneo kama hilo linafanana kabisa na maeneo mengi hapa Dar es Salaam na hili halitafaa kwa shughuli yoyote kwa miaka hijayo hapo mbeleni lakini pia ni uchafuzi wa eneo husika.

WE SHOULD END PLASTIC BAGS IN OUR CITIES BEFORE WE FACE CALAMITIES’”

“WE SHOULD END PLASTIC BAGS IN OUR CITIES BEFORE WE FACE CALAMITIES’”

In almost every part of the world have taken environmental concern against plastic bags with the view on the relationship between environment, sustainable development and human survival. The concern also has been sided with the assumption that sustainable development cannot be attained without taking consideration of environment. Environment need to be conserved, protected, and developed for future generation and sustainability of human species.

Plastic bags for that logic has now taken the lead in polluters race, a large part of the world has been affected by plastic  and polyethene materials, people face calamities like flood, soil degradation and lose soil fertility, increasing litters  due to plastic and polythene materials. Tanzania like any other countries of the world is going through these problems with its cities especially major cities of Dar es Salaam, Mbeya, Arusha, Tanga, Mwanza and others being clouded by plastic bags. Plastic bags and plastic bottles has become the alternative for commercial and domestic use in those major cities of Tanzania. In almost every corner of these cities are colored by these materials. Citizens in Tanzania has opted for the plastic bags for their domestic use like market shopping, and small commodities caring, they have even turned these bags as their travel bags, pupils and students use the plastic bags as their school bags. Dar es Salaam in particular they have assigned the name “take away” as the name to legalize the use of plastic bags and plastic bottles. In Kariakoo market a famous market in Dar es Salaam street vendors has climaxed the business of plastic bags. And this has been similar to other market where street vendors sell plastic bags to customers coming for shopping and retailers to pack their product for sales.  Traders and industries have utilized the legalization of plastic bags from citizens by trying to make their product pack in plastic containers, for example beverages traders and industries currently have manufactured plastic bottles in order to cover the market.

But in case of Dar es salaam plastic bottles are now in  control as many youth collect them from streets and users, for recycling by specific industries, the question is amounting on plastic bags especially those of 30s and below 30 microns.

IMPACT OF PLASTIC BAGS AND POLYETHYLEN MATERIALS TO ENVIRONMENT IN TANZANIA

Plastic bags cause a lot of damages to our environment and human development. Plastic bags are made from petroleum and other natural resources that even if you decide to recycle them you will probably face air pollution as they emit smoke containing toxic gas which is harmful to atmospheric bacteria. Therefore it is necessary to ban the production, distribution and use of plastic bags without considering the nature and the size of those bags because all plastic and polyethene material share effects and there hazardous to environment.

Some people has pointed out some reasonable and sounding effect caused by  plastic bags as they have experienced them, most of them point out the pollution to the environment outlook and the soil suitability for agriculture. Ludovic Kazoka (DailyNews 16, august 2013) in his article “Tanzania state impose fresh ban on plastic bags” stated that plastic bags are harmful and cause soil degradation, through burning of wastes, harmful emission of toxic and endangering of human and animal lives. Other observers like Larry West (about.com 2013) the article “why stop using plastic bags” he said plastic bags clog water ways, spoil landscape and end up landfill.

But also Dr Terezy Huviza (minister responsible ) in press conference argued that the prevalence’s of plastic bags was endangering the lives of creature on land and water bodies, she added plastic bags  damaging soil hence posing a serious challenges to agricultural activities and the burning of them was causing air pollution.

To argue on the effect of these bags, then the plastic bags affect environment in almost all angles that is in water bodies, soil, wildlife and totality to human lives. Taking focus on land, plastic bags are not easily to decompose it is estimated that it take about 1000 years to decompose in soil. These situation cause soil degradation and sometime loose water penetration to soil, which in turn confuse agricultural activities. So by taking such stand we found causality sense of plastic bags and agricultural decline.  Plastic bags are very really to decompose then cause degradation which led to agricultural decline and eventually cause the loss of food to human species and microorganism.

But also the situation hinder economic development as the soil became unproductive due to lose of soil fertility. Then those who depend on agriculture for economic growth decline economically due to their productive limit by prevalence of plastic bags in soil. For the country like Tanzania whereby two third of the population depend on agriculture for their economic growth, therefore require land fertility. And when that fertility is not maintains then their economy survival will probably decline. With this stance then it is real that the effects of plastic bags are not only on observable effect but it cause other impact to lives of people and country.

Plastic bags also may complicate the economy as they require barrels of petroleum and other natural resources for manufacturing. It has been argued that about 60-100 million barrels of petroleum are need to every year around the world to make plastic bags (Rita 2011). Developing country may experience the economic slow down through the rise of petroleum price in ordinary market, therefore even transportation of their products to the industry and to consumers became under complications.

The prevalence of plastic bags in streets and with human surrounding increase the litters in those areas. Plastic bags are easily loses its quality of use therefore there thrown away after either single use or double use. And the plastic bags have increased its use in Tanzania and other country. Customers and retailers use plastic bags especially those of 35 microns as there offered free and durable, easy to carry. For example chips makers currently has made plastic bags as their containers, those local and domestic market use these plastic bags as important containers. This increased the amount of litters in street and in our surroundings. Rita (2011) put in short that each year more and more bags are ending up littering the environment, once they became litters plastic bags find their ways into our waterways, parks, beaches, trenches and street. And if they are banned they infuse the air with toxic fume.  From environmental view these litters are polluter to human environment, and in another way increase the budget of waste collections to municipal authority and central government as well.

In another way plastic bags when there are not banned and managed in proper way they can block drainage system and cause flooding as well as street smell. When these bags are logged into tributaries and trenches in town block water pass for a long time, things that led trenches and tributaries to flood and disturbance to people. A good example is India where these bags caused flood due to system blockage by plastic bags. But other evidence is in our city (Dar es Salaam) where almost all the trenches along load and street are logged by the plastic bags.

They also kill animals and water related animals, plastic bags kill animals when they mistake them with food. Animals like cattle, goats, sheep, and wildlife animals eat glasses with increase of plastic bags litters may cause these animals to mistake and eat plastic bags litters.  In water bodies plastic bags take a long time to decompose and complicate the food for aquatic animals, as they cause toxic poison when thrown into water bodies.

INITIATIVE TO CONTROL IN TANZANIA AND OTHER COUNTRY.

Following the reason that plastic bags a threat to environment every country is trying its position to ban them from use, production, distribution and availability in their surroundings. Several countries throughout the world have imposed legislation and regulations that ban the plastic bags. To have look on the following countries South Africa  in 2003 banned the use of high density polyethylene (HDPE) plastic bags (less than 30microns), they also imposed a levy on the thicker plastic bags the government laws required retailers to sell plastic bags not to distribute them for free.  Eritrea, Rwanda and Somalia (Somali land) banned them since 2005, Australia enacted a policy and campaign with the name “zero waste policy” in 2009 the policy imposed fine to retailers if they sell or give away plastic bags made from polyethylene polymer (less than 35 micrometer). The government of Australia also provided facilities for collecting plastic bags in almost all supermarkets within the country.

Other countries are China in 2008 the country banned the production, distribution, and use of HDPE, and retailers were allowed to charge customer for the LDPE (0.025 microns). Hong Kongo implemented education campaign called “No Plastic Bags Please!”  And prohibited the retailer to provide the plastic bags for free. Newzealand in 2009 the government imposed levy to retailers plastic bags. Denmark 1994 established a tax on plastic and paper bags paid by retailers. To mention but a few. Data from Marrrickvilla council in support of internet source

Tanzania has concern has adopted several measures on generally the country enacted a law regarding environmental safety in 2004, that is the Tanzania Environmental Management Act 2004, the act generalized the issues but not specific to plastic bags. In 2006 the government banned the production, importation, distribution and the use of the plastic bags below 30 microns in the country. And currently the country has imposed the fresh ban of plastic bags. The fresh ban as come following the East African Community (EAC) Polyethylene Material Control Bill 2011 which was passed by EAC legislative assembly. Tanzania Island namely Pemba has shown a successful move in a war against plastic bags. In 1996 the revolutionary government of Zanzibar passed the Environmental Management for Sustainability Development Acts No 2 of 1996, which prohibited businessmen from manufacturing, distributing, selling, or using all kind of plastic bags.

The move in Pemba has reported to have support from citizens where resident turned willingly to traditional bags and other environmental friendly bags. Mr kombo (fishermen in Pemba) was quoted by DailyNews journalist saying that almost all resident in the big town of Chakechake, Mkoani and Wete in Pemba are aware with the negative impact of plastic bags.

The government (Pemba) also in its move to fight the plastic bags has involved the following mechanism including all stakeholders, launching awareness’ campaigns, and other of alike. Issa Yusufu (journalist-DailyNews) in his article wrote  “ the anti-plastic bags task force included town council authorities, police forces, and community leaders………” in Pemba also awareness campaign were done through media, public gathering, and use of sign board in most important stations like bus stations, airports, market place, round about. All these initiatives helped Pemba to attain a greatest success in fighting a plastic bag and currently Pemba is a free plastic bags Island in Zanzibar.

LEVELS OF SUCCESS IN SOME COUNTRIES AND TANZANIA.

Some countries within EAC and outside the region have shown a level of success. Within east Africa community Rwanda is a good example, the government of Rwanda has succeeded for about 100% on ban plastic bags. The country has introduced a paper bags which replaced plastic bags. Rwanda since 2008 had imposed a radical policy against plastic bags and all non biodegradable materials in Rwanda. Juliet (down town researcher) said anyone entering Rwanda is ordered to give up their plastic bags or have it confiscate. The alternative to the ban was paper bags.

But also in Tanzania island of Pemba successful story has been narrated, the government has managed to ban the plastic bags with the serious turn to traditional bags commonly known as “kikapu” in Swahili terms. At the world level some countries like Denmark and Italy with other euro zone country has marked the success.

For large part Tanzania mainland especially big cities a ranging behind with the lot of plastic bags in street and towns. Some comment has been made that the fail is mostly attributed with lack of commitment to the war.

WHAT IS MISSING IN TANZANIA

Tanzania has passed several legislation and statement in regard of generally environmental care. The measures included the Tanzania Environment Management Act of 2004, Prohibition of Plastic Bags Regulations 2006, and currently the statement of the minister regarding the total ban of plastic bags. But with all those measures the country still ranging behind in plastic bags eradication campaigns, what is missing in case of Tanzania?

To answer the question, one needs to concretely scrutinize the observable fact in environment and the question concern. Some people may point out many questions in regard of what is missing in Tanzania why are we raging behind on the war. But why other countries have moved forward? What has been in those countries that are in successful race?  To quote Hon. Ester Bulaya (MP) while arguing on the environmental budget she said “The government’s ban on production, importation, distribution and use of plastic bags lacked government commitment”. The commitment of the government in her view was on the amount of fund the government allocate to the department concern with environment and the ability to enforce the laws and policies over issues.

To argue on what is messing the following fact need to be given central focus these include the stakeholders involvement, awareness and education campaign,  and the role of the government over the issues.

Starting with stakeholders involvements that the environmental issues in its view concern every individual therefore every person is stakeholder in environmental issues. The Tanzania Environmental Management Act No 2 of 2004 article 6state that “every person living in Tanzania shall have a stake and a duty to safeguard and enhance the environment and to inform the relevant authority of any activity and phenomenon that may affect the environment significantly” therefore the act itself recorganise the need of every individual within Tanzania to be a part of environmental concern.

To analyze them stakeholders to our case include governmental stakeholders that  is regional,  district, and division authority, local government authority(s), state apparatus especially police force, and community –policing sector, mass media both local and foreign mass media, business men and industrialist, retailers, customer/consumers, Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) spiritual institutions,  activist groups, academic institutions, and all environmental loving organizations.  All these stakeholders need to act in mutuality of vision and mission in order to reach the intended mission.

In Tanzania case the involvement of stakeholders both by the government and some Non-Governmental Organization (NGOs) involving in the matter have been marginalized to the extent that large part of stakeholders has been the recipient of the program but not participants in the move.  The participation of stakeholders in the struggle seem to be in top down nature and not in horizontal relationship which is required for eradicating plastic bags

Lack of awareness and education campaigns, for a large part of the use of these plastic bags are used by citizens and especially common man in their everyday activities. Therefore awareness and education campaign on the negative impact over the plastic bags is needed. It is evidenced that Tanzania island of Pemba have successes to eradicate plastic bags in Pemba through these awareness campaigns conducted through media and public gathering. For our case then I suggest the awareness and education campaigns through mass media, social networks, load sign boards in important areas like bus stand, in public transport,. These campaigns will open awareness to public on negative impact of plastic bags. Also these campaigns should be done through youth group, academic institutions and social groups of other things.

Absence of serious levy to users, distributors, manufacturers, and sellers of those plastic bags. In other countries policy has been developed to impose levy and serious levy to those users of plastic bags. Therefore the government needs to be committed against plastic bags. Imposition of strict policy and of course serious administration of the policy will discourage the production, use and distribution of plastic bags. To argue in our country today plastic bags are distributed for free and sometime taken as take away means.

Commitment of the government, government on this case therefore is supposed to be at the frontline of struggle. And its interventions include budget interventions, and enforcement of policy and rules against plastic bags.

CONCLUSION.

In concluding the debate we need to focus and launch serious campaigns against plastic bags. The government both the central government and the local governmental need to feel concern with environmental issues. The issues is not merely environmental but also humanistic destructives, in some areas plastic bags has caused flood, broken up water ways, trenches, pollute our water bodies, kill aquatic organisms , and also destruct environmental outlook. But economically also plastic bags hinder the sector has we need a lot of non renewable natural resources for production of those bags.

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 KUHUSU RASIMU YA KATIBA MPYA TANZANIA 2013.
 N i wazi kuwa kira raia wa Tanzania na asiye wa Tanzania anjua kuwa  Tanzania imeungana na nchi nyingine katika mabadiliko ya katiba. mataifa mengi ya afrika na amerika kusinii na caribian zimekuwa katika hali ya kubadilisha katiba zao ili ziiendane na demokrasia magharibi.

katika michakato ya katiba kuna vitu vingi vinavyotokea mfano wananchi kutoa maoni yao, kupitia katiba ya zamani,  kuangalia katiba za watu wengine n.k.

tukumbuke kuwa rasimu yetu ya katiba imechukua baadhi ya vifungu kutokanan na maoni yetu na vingine kutoka katiba na rasimu za wezentu hasa ile ya kenya ya 2010 ambayo ndiyo imesimamia  uchaguzi wa Kenya ulioisha.

katiba yetu ya mwaka 1977, ilikuwa haina kifungu kinacho ruhusu matokeo ya uraisi kuhojiwa mahakamani baada ya kutangazwa na tume ya taifa ya uchaguzi. jambo hili lililamikiwa kwa muda mrefu n wanaharakati na hatimaye rasimu hii ya 2013 imeweka kifungu kinacho ruhusu hilo.

lakini mbali na kuweka kifungu hicho bado kina mapungufu y kimsingi yanyokifanya kifungu chenyewe kutokuwa na maana. kwani kinatoa haki upande mmoja na kinany'anganya  haki upande mwingine. kifungu hiki bali na maoni ya wannchi, msingi wake mkubwa ni rasimu ya kenya ya mwaka 2010. yenye kifungu kama hicho.
ukisoma rasmu ibara ya 78 (1) inasomeka hivi "kwa kuzingatia masharti ya ibara ndogo ya (2), endapo mtu yeyote aliyeshiriki kama mgombea nafasi ya madaraka ya Rais katika uchaguzi wa Rais hakuridhika na matokeo ya uchaguzi huo anaweza kuwasilisha malalamiko katika Mahakama ya juu kupinga matokeo ya Rais yaliyotangazwa na tume huru ya uchaguzi."

              (2) malalamiko ya kupinga matokeo ya uchaguzi wa Rais yatawasilishwa mahakama ya juu ndani ya muda wa siku saba baada ya siku ya kutangazwa kwa matokeo ya uchaguzi wa Rais.

79 (1)Rais mteule ataapishwa na Jaji mkuu na atashika nafasi ya madaraka ya Rais mapema iwezekanavyo baada ya kutangazwa kwamba amechaguliwa kuwa Rais, lakini kwa hali yoyote hatashika madaraka kabla ya kupita siku thelathini kutoka siku matokeo ya uchaguzi wa Rais yalipotangazwa na Tume Huru  ya Uchaguzi au siku ya kuthibitishwa na  Mahakama ya Juu.

ukisoma vizuri vifungu hivi utaona kabisa kimoja kinauliwa na kingine na hasa cha 78 hakina nguvu yeyote dhidi ya kifungu cha 79, kwani hakijatoa muda kwa watu au mtu mwenye lalamiko juu ya matokeo. raisi akishaapa tiyari atakuwa ameshika madaraka na kuwa raisi pia. 

na kama tutaacha kifungu cha 79 kiendelee kusomeka kama kilivyo basi tutategemea sana busara za viongozi wa tume ya uchaguzi. 

kifungu hiki tume kitoa kenya na katiba ya kenya inaonyesha vizuri na imeweka siku za kuapishwa sio kutangazwa na kuaapa.

soma  kifungu cha 140 na 141 cha katiba ya kenya hapo chini.
 
 Ibara ya 140. Maswali kama uhalali wa uchaguzi wa rais

(1) Mtu anaweza kuwasilisha malalamiko katika Mahakama Kuu kupinga uchaguzi wa Rais mteule ndani ya   siku saba baada ya tarehe ya kutangazwa matokeo ya uchaguzi wa rais.
(2) Ndani ya siku kumi na nne baada ya kufungua jalada la malalamiko hayo chini ya kifungu cha (1), Mahakama Kuu itasikiliza na kuamua malalamiko na uamuzi wake utakuwa wa mwisho.
(3) Kama Mahakama Kuu huamua uchaguzi wa Rais mteule kuwa batili, uchaguzi mpya utafanyika ndani ya siku sitini baada ya uamuzi.

Ibara ya 141. Kushika madaraka ya Rais
(1) kuapishwa kwa Rais mteule-watakuwa katika umma mbele ya Jaji Mkuu, au, kutokana na kukosekana kwa Jaji Mkuu, Naibu Mkuu wa Sheria.
(2) Rais mteule-ataapishwa juu ya yafuatayo kwanza Jumanne -
        (A) siku ya kumi na nne baada ya tarehe ya tangazo la matokeo ya uchaguzi wa rais, kama hakuna malalamiko imekuwa filed chini ya Ibara ya 140; au
        (B) siku ya saba baada ya tarehe ambayo mahakama mithili uamuzi kutangaza uchaguzi kuwa halali,       ikiwa dua yoyote imekuwa filed chini ya Ibara ya 140.
(3) Rais mteule kushika madaraka kwa kuchukua na subscribing kiapo au uthibitisho wa utii, na kiapo au tamko la dhati kwa ajili ya utekelezaji wa majukumu ya ofisi, kama ilivyoainishwa katika Jedwali la Tatu.
(4) Bunge na sheria kutoa kwa ajili ya utaratibu na sherehe kwa ajili ya kuapishwa kwa Rais mteule.

ndugu zangu naomba mlinganishe vifungu hivi. 

MAMBO YA AMANI NA USALAMA WA TAIFA

Kuna mambo mabayao kimsiungi sikutaka kuyajadli ila nataka kuyajadili hii jioni, lakini kwa kuwa tiyari yameanza kujitokeza ni lazima niyaseme. hapa nchini tumekuwa na matatizo ya amani na usalama. na mambo haya yako katika ngazi ya taifa na kimataifa.

Hatari kwa taifa  (national threat) ni jambo ambalo laweza kuanzia ndani ya nchi au nje ya nchi , na ni wajibu wa nchi husika kujua kuwa iko katika hali ya hatari. hatari ya kutoka ndani inaweza kuundwa katika mazingira ya aina mbili moja inaweza kuundwa na vikundi vya waasi au wananchi wachache tu, na msingi  mkubwa wa vikundi hivi huwa kwa mara nyingi ni kutoridhika na matendo ya serikali au kikundi cha watu ndani ya serikali.
Wakati mwingine suala hili linaweza kuchochewa na serikali yenyewe bila kujua au kwa kujua. mfano serikali inaweza kuwabagua watu fulani kwa tofauti zao za kisiasa, kikabila , kiuchumi, kiimani na kikabila na kuwalazimisha kuunda kikundi. Kukiibuka kikundi kilichochowe na serikali basi hicho inakuwa ni vigumu mno kikigundua kwa sababu kinakuwa kinapigana na kikundi kingine bila kukilenga moja kwa moja. mfano mzuri ni vita ya Kongo au Biafra ya Naigeria ambapo serikali ilichochea tofauti za kidini kuanzia enzi za mkoloni na ikaja kuwa vita dhidi ya uislamu na ukristo lakini kupitia serikali.

wakati mwingine serikali inaweza kusababisha hili kwa kufanya ugaidi kwa watu wake mfano kuwateka na kuwapiga kuwaumiza, na katika mazingira kama haya serikali huwa inatumia sura ya kulinda amani na kuwalinda raia anowapiga. Hili limeanza kutokea hapa nchini. mtakumbuka kuwa bado kuna mvutano wa polisi na wanaharakati kuhusu suala la Daudi Mwangosi, Ndugu Absalom Kibanda, Dr Ulimboka, na sasa  Ndugu Ponda na mengine mengi.

Upande mwingine hatari ya taifa inaweza kutoka mataifa jirani na mengine ya nje. Taifa linaweza kuwa na marafiki ambao kimsingi wanaweza kuwa hatari kwa upande mwingine kulingana na mtandao wa itikadi na maslahi ya kiuchumi na kisiasa. mtakumbuka  suala la vita dhidi ya Ethiopia na Eriteria ambapo Amerika alijenga uadui na Misiri baada ya kusemekana kushirikiana na Israel kumsaidia Ethiopia dhidi ya Eritria.

lakini tusisahahu pia kuwa hata taifa husika linaweza kusababisha hatari kutoka nje, hali hii inaweza kutokea kupitia matamshi ya viongozi wakuu na wasimamizi wa serikali dhidi ya matifa mengine, au vyombo vya habari , mazoezi ya kijeshi mipakani n.k
 kwa hatua hii ebu nieleze suala hili kidogo kuhusu tanzania. hapa nchini kumekuwapo kumbukumbu nzuri ya watu kuvamiwa na kutekwa kunyanyaswa na pengine na watu wasio julikana lakini yakitokea hayo unasikia marumbano kati ya vyombo vya dola na makundi ya wanaharakti na wansiasa. lakini mbali na kuvutana huko hakuna siku umma wa Watanzania umeambiwa ukweli ni huu. tunabaki kujivicha kwenye ugaidi, udini na siasa tu.
leo niliposoma gazeti moja hapa nchini niliona likitaja kifo cah Prof Mwakusa ambaye alipigwa risasi muda mrefu kidogo na wanfunzi wa chuo kikuu na vyuo rafiki nchini waliaaandamanan wakitaka uchunguzi wa wauaji hao lakini mpaka sasa hakuna jibu. na kumbuka wakti huu nilikuwa mwanfunzi katika chuo hicho hivyo maneno yote yaliyo kuwa yanzungumzwa nilikuwa nayasikia na kuyaona.

lakini tunakumbuka kupigwa risaiasi kwa mwandishi wa habari Daudi Mwangosi, akiwa katika  shughuli zake za habari. Suala hili limeishia kukamtwa kwa kijana polisi mdogo na kufunguliwa mashitaka ya kumpiga risasi lakini ukiangalia mwennendo wa kesi unapata wasiwasi. ni sababu gani ya mtuhumiwa wa mauaji analindwa na serikali tena kwa kupigiwa ving'ora wakti akipelewkwa mahakamni na pengine kufungiwa misafara mirefu ya magari ya serikali hali kama hii inatia wasiwasi machoni pa watnzania.

tukio jingine nilile la kijana aliyepigwa risasi katika mkutano wa CHADEMA pale Morogoro. Serikali kupitia jeshi la polisi wakatwambia amepigwa na kitu kizito. lakini naye hatuoni kesi juu ya hilo. hatu uchunguzi wa jambo hilo haujawekwa wazi hata siku moja.
 lakini kuna kutekwa kwa DR Ulimboka  na kupigwa kwa Mwandishi wa habari  Absalom kibanda. matukio yote haya tunasikia mivutano ya polisi na wansiasa na pengine kutupa vichwa vy habari katika magazeti. je wananchi tufikiriea nini juu ya haya mabo.?
 tukiachia hayo tunakumbuka mabomu ya Mbagara na Gogo la Mboto hakuna taarifa tumepata, mabomu yaliyopigwa Arusha na baada kutumia nguvu za polisi kutumika katika mazishi ya waanga wa tukio hilo.
lakini ukiangalia matamshi ya viongozi wetu utaona kabisa kuna hatari mfano sio muda mrefu tulimsikia waziri mkuu kaiwatangazia polisi na vyombo vya usalkama kuwa " wapigeni tu"
sasa mambo kama haya yanatupa wasiwasi wananchi wakawaida.

je tunahitaji tanganyika kwa misingi ipi?

katika mijadala inayoendelea sasa juu ya rasimu ya katiba ya tanzania ni umwamba na ubabe lakini pia yapo mawazo yenye msingi kabisa ambayo wannchi wanhitaji kuyasema lakini mimi leo nataka kujadili umwamba unaendelea katika rasimu hii.

wapo wanaojadili haya kwa umwamba tu kuwa tunataka sisi tuitwe tanganyika na wengine tunataka sisi tuitwe zanzibar, huu ni umwamba tu kwa sababu msingi wa majina ni ule ujinga wa kuwa nikiitwa fulani ndo watu huko nje watniona mimi mjanja kweli. hivi mfano mtoto ukimbatiza jina la juma ikatokea mtoto huyo akabadilisha jina hilo je mtoto huyo ataacha kuwa mwanao?

sasa kusema tunataka tanganyika au zanzibar ni kutaka uvifua hasa wa wansiasa na walevi wachache. kimsingi jina tanganyika ni mazalia ya ukoloni na zanzibar vile vile. sasa ukibadilisha mhaya na mkurya na mjita wataacha kuoleana, mamni ataacha kunywa mbege, au mpemba ataacha kuvua samki. ili suala kwa kweli halina maana yoyote. nakumbuka mwalimu nyerere aliwa kudokeza kuwa "mipaka ya afrika haina maana" vivyo hivyo majina ya matifa ya afrika hayana maana pia.


naomba niishie hapo kwa leo ila mjadala huu sioni kama unamsingi sana kwa taifa

WAS OBAMA AND BUSH MET IN TANZANIA AN INCIDENT?

some of the local and international newspaper held a greatest discussion on what they coined as "coincidence for bush and Obama to meet in Tanzania  these are two statesmen of USA and remember this two respected president was involved in unknown war of terrorism. in several occasion president Bush during his time, saying " weather your with us or terrorist" this was intentional to say this. in international politics the debate still hot on realy what is terrorism but they experience as been used to associate terrorism with mass killing with political intentions.
leave out the definition as it hold nothing to our discussion. the issue here is the coincidence of the two great men of USA to meet here. remember in 1998 there was an attack on US Embassy Dar es Salaam Tanzania. This was the period followed by September 11 were world trade center was bombed by Osama bin Laden. Both bombing was equited to terrorist act  and being charged under terrorist laws and anti terrorist movement.

the other issue we should remember concerning Tanzania is, after these bombing and terrorist act one citizen of Tanzania was arrested  charged and found guilty of terrorism. this also the action marked the nation with terrorist picture to international affairs.

the last issue was on who initiated the war on terrorism particularly fighting the advent of Osama and Al quida ? in general and who killed Osama?  this has one answer Osama was fought in serious by George W Bush and killed by Obama. to know why do they meet in Tanzania and why at the killed US graves. In one way it may sound as to tell  Americans that we are hero and we have finished the war against terrorism.

on Tanzania we need to remember that president Obama come with his security and his troop of his service officers, of course its US policy to protect their president outside the country by on the other side is to tell the world that America has so many enemy outside America.

the meeting made us Tanzania to be among the insecure country.

NIMESOMA HAPA NIKAPENDA SOMENI POLITICAL SCIENTIST

A Brief Introduction to Theories on International Relations and Foreign Policy

POLI 468

Bill Newmann

The selections we will be reading have one main focus.  They seek to answer the big question in international relations and foreign policy: Why do states behave the way they do in the international system?  Some people argue that this is a question of international relations theory and others say it is a question of foreign policy theory.  For our purposes, we can consider them the same issue.  Why do states behave the way they do is the question that theories of international relations and theories of foreign policy are trying to answer.  The fact that these are treated as separate bodies of theory says more about political scientists than it does about the nature of state behavior. 

Since political science is concerned with theory building, each of these books focuses on theories.  As stated in the syllabus, the search for theory is a search for rules to explain social science phenomenon (in this case foreign policy behavior).  Each author is developing a theory to explain the behavior of all states, not just one state.  That is the trick here.  Can you find universal patterns of activity, universal rules that can used to explain how any state behaves? Each author is developing a theory (a rule about state behavior) and then testing it with case studies.  You are assessing those theories and the evidence that supports them.  So think in those terms. Don’t be confused by scientific jargon.  Just remember that theories are statements about cause and effect.  When I heat up a liquid, it will boil.  That’s cause and effect.  To become a scientist, you start to experiment – you heat up different liquids to see if they all boil at the same temperature, then you try to make rules about the different types of liquids you heat up, say types of juices vs. types of oil.  That’s science.  Now, since this is social science and we’re dealing with nations, we can’t run experiments.  You can’t invade several nations to see what their different reactions to invasion might be.  So you use historical data to test your theories. That’s what you’re examining in your papers.  An author has developed a theory or tested two theories.  How well does the author’s argument hold up when tested against the historical data?

The authors might use terms that you are unfamiliar with.  I am going to provide a brief introduction to some of the key ideas in international relations that will give you a starting point and a quick reference for dealing with the theoretical issues.  The authors are very good at illustrating their theories, but this might help just in case.  Also, these are starting points for the authors.  They take some of these basic notions and redevelop them.  So their views of each of these theories might be slightly different from the way I describe them.  Theories evolve and below I’ve given you the basic starting points for each theory.

           

Levels of Analysis

One of the key questions in international relations and foreign policy is the question of how you examine state behavior.  This is the level of analysis problem.  Scholars see several levels of analysis through which state behavior can be examined. 

System level analysis examines state behavior by looking at the international system.  In this level of analysis, the international system is the cause and state behavior is the effect.  Characteristics of the international system cause states to behave the way they do.  Change in the international system will cause change in state behavior.  The key variable in the international system is the power of a state within the system.  Some states are powerful; others are weak.  So for example, the cold war had two powerful states.  Therefore the central cause of all state behavior in the cold war was the fact that the US and USSR were the two powerful states in a bipolar system.  Today, there is unipolar system – one superpower (or hyperpower) -- and that defines the behavior of all other states in the system. (See neo-realism below).  So this level of analysis might explain the US intervention in Iraq as a matter of the US, the one and only powerful state, flexing its muscles to police the world against states that threaten it.  The US wants to preserve its dominance and therefore crushes all challengers.

State level analysis examines the foreign policy behavior of states in terms of state characteristics.  For example, some scholars say that all democracies behave a certain way; they don’t fight with other democracies.  Some scholars might look at the different behaviors of weak or strong states; states that live in rough neighborhoods (Germany or France) vs. states that live in more benign surroundings (the US).  Some scholars might say that the foreign policy behavior of every state is a cultural characteristic, defined by the historical legacy of the state, the religious or social traditions, or the economic and geographic nature of the state itself (see constructivism below).  State level of analysis might explain the US intervention in Iraq as a function of the missionary quality of US foreign policy.  The US has always had an idealist streak in its foreign policy (some disagree with this) and sees “bad guys” out there in the international system.  The US is compelled by the nature of its political system and its belief that some day all states will be like the US.  It has a drive to remake the world in its own image.  The job of US foreign policy is not done until all states are democratic and all nations have free market economies.

Organizational level analysis examines the way in which organizations within a state function to influence foreign policy behavior.  States don’t make decisions.  Organizations bargain with each other to create a foreign policy that is a compromise between competing organizations.  This level of analysis for example, might look at the Iraq war and try to explain it by examining the interests of the US military, the department of defense, the state department, and central intelligence agency.  How did these organizations create US foreign policy would be the key question at this level of analysis.

Individual level analysis focuses on people.  People make decisions within nation states and therefore people make foreign policy.  Scholars might look at the roles of different leaders. This level of analysis might explain World War II by examining the role of Hitler.  It might look at the end of the cold war by studying Gorbachev.  It might suggest that the economic reforms in China are a result of the transition from Mao Zedong’s leadership to Deng Xiaoping’s rule.  This level of analysis also includes cognitive theories --- theories that explain foreign policy by looking at the way leaders perceive the world. Larson’s book is an example of this. This is a focus on perception, misperception, and communication.  Individual level analysis might ask questions such as these: Are there aspects of George W. Bush’s character and belief systems that have defined the US response to the 9/11 attacks?  Would Al Gore or John Kerry have behaved any differently in a similar situation? How do Bush and his senior decision makers perceive the world and their role in it?

           

The books that we have for this class, examine foreign policy behavior from several different levels.

Theories of State Behavior

The following list illustrates some of the theories that you’ll be reading about.  Each one is a specific theory that tries to explain the way states behave.  You’ll get plenty of ideas within the books, so I’ll give you the brief outline.  Remember though that the authors will take these basic ideas and modify them.  Again, these are starting points for theory and the authors are modifying them to build better theory.

Classical realism is a state level theory that argues that all states seek power.  That is the first and last principle of state behavior.  States seek to increase their power; they seek to decrease the power of their enemies; and everything they do is in the name of amassing power.  States see other powerful states as rivals because power, when it is not in your hands, is threatening.  People are greedy, insecure, and aggressive, so the states they govern will have those same characteristics.  This doesn’t mean war, however.  There can be peace, but a durable peace is based upon a stable balance of power – the big players in the international systems are roughly equal in power resources, so therefore no one thinks they can win a war.  If you don’t think you can win a war, you generally don’t start one.  The US and USSR were rivals in the cold war because they were the two most powerful states after WW II. They were both wary of each other’s power and became enemies.  But they did not go to war because they were roughly equal in power.

Neo-realism is a system level theory that is an offshoot of classical realism.  It argues all of what classical realism does.  However, it sees the cause of all the power struggles and rivalries not as a function of the nature of states, but as a function of the nature of the international system.  States are out there alone.  There is no world government, no one looking out for states, no rules that can’t be easily broken.  The world is anarchy and states do what they can get away with to gain power and they do what they must to protect themselves.  Power creates rivalry because it is threatening by its nature.  If some other state is more powerful than your state, you have no way to protect yourself but to defend yourself or attack your rival first.  A neorealist might say the cold war was caused by the fact that there were only two powerful states that survived WW II.  Sine there was no world government or rules of behavior to restrain the rivalry it became the cold war.  This theory dominates scholarly thinking today and will be discussed in a lot of the books.

Neo-classical realism is a sort of revival of classical realism.  It accepts all of the above about power rivalries, but it suggests that state characteristics (state level variables) play a large role in the behavior of states.  States don’t just seek power and they don’t just fear other powerful states, there are reasons that states seek power and there are reasons that states fear other states.  It’s a sort of combination of classical and neo-realism that factors in both system level and state level variables.  For example, a neo-classical realist might look at the cold war and say that the differences in ideology between the US and USSR was a factor in the US-USSR rivalry that exacerbated the tendency for two powerful states to form rivalries.

Liberalism adds values into the equation.  It is often called idealism. It is a state level theory which argues that there is a lot of cooperation in the world, not just rivalry. States don’t just compete or worry about power.  States try to build a more just world order.  They often do so because they have learned that in many instances cooperation is a better strategy that conflict.  States try to create enforceable international law.  States are progressive forces for social justice.  Liberalism might look at the cold war and examine the different values of the US and USSR and point out the repressive and murderous nature of the Soviet state as the key to the US andUSSR animosity.  It also might look at the decades-worth of US-USSR cooperation in the midst of the cold war (arms control, the lack of direct conflict).

Neo-liberalism is an offshoot of liberalism. It is a system level version of liberalism and focuses on the way in which institutions can influence the behavior of states by spreading values or creating rule-based behavior.  Neo-liberals might focus on the role of the United Nations or World Trade Organization in shaping the foreign policy behavior of states.  Neo-liberals might look at the cold war and suggest ways to fix the UN to make it more effective.

Cognitive Theories are those mentioned above which examine the role of psychological processes – perception, misperception, belief systems – on the foreign policy behavior of states.  It can be state, organization, or individual level of analysis depending on whether the research is focusing on the psychological dynamics of a state decision maker or the shared perceptions of an organization, or the shared belief systems of a nation.  Cognitive theorists might look at the shared images of the US andUSSR political leaders had of each other and explain the cold war as the product of these negative images and the inability of either state to reshape the perceptions of the other. 

Constructivism is a theory that examines state behavior in the context of state characteristics.  All states are unique and have a set of defining political, cultural, economic, social, or religious characteristics that influence its foreign policy.  States have identities and those identities define their behavior in the international system. The US has a foreign policy character.  Russia has a foreign policy character.  The cold war is a product of the clash of those identities.  The end of the cold war may be a function of changes in the Russian identity.

KUHUSU RASIMU YA KATIBA MPYA-TANZANIA

Mjadala wangu leo naona huwe kuhusu rasimu ya katiba mpya ya tanzania mabaraza na mijadala imeanza kwa kasi sana japo macho yaliyomengi yamejikita katika suala la muungano, hasahasa namba ya serikali wengine wakipendekeza serikali tatu, mbili, mkataba (bado sijajua nini maana ya mkataba), na serikali moja au kuvunja kabisa muungano.
Naona mjadala wangu ujikite katika masuala ya muungano lakini katika namna ya pekee kidogo. nianze na ibara ya 62(2) na (3) vifungu hivi vinahusu mahusiano ya kikanda na kimataifa.

ibara ya 62 (2) inasema bila kuathiri mipaka iliyowekwa na katiba    hii , kila mshirika wa muungano atakuwa na uwezo na uhuru wa kuanzisha mahusiano na ushirikiano na jumuiya au taasisi ya kikanda na kimataifa kwa mambo yaliyo chini ya mamlaka yake kwa mujibu wa katiba ya mshirika wa muungano.

62(3) inasema : mshirika wa muungano anaweza wakati wa kutekeleza majukumu yake chini ya ibara ndogo ya (2), kuomba mashirikiano kutoka serikali ya muungano kwa ajili ya kufanikisha mahusiano na jumuiya au taasisi ya kikanda au kimataifa, na serikali ya jamhuri ya muungano inaweza  kutoa ushirikiano kwa mshirika huyo kwa namna itavyohitajika.

kimsingi vifungu hivi vina maneno ambayo yanutata na maneno yayoweza kumfanya mshirika wa muungano kufanya mambo yake yeye mwenyewe anvyo jua kwa sababu maneno yaliyotumika haya mbani mshiriki huyo. mfano unaposema "anweza" na "inaweza" maneno haya haya mlazimishi mshirika yeyote kubanwa na kifungu hiki labda kumruhusu kufanya analoweza.  Pengine kuomba ushauriano utatengemea busara za mshirika wa muungano.

pili vifungu hivi vinaingilia mambo ya muungano mfano " suala la mambo ya nje ni la muungano" unaporuhusu mshirika kuwa na mahusiano au mashirikiano maana yake huko utakuwa na watu wawili wa naoliwakilisha taifa moja. kwa sababu pia mambo ya nje ni pamoja na mahusiano ya kibiashara, kiimani, kimisaada na mikopo ya kimataifa. mfano nchi mshirika wa muungano inataka kuanzisha ubalozi na ukaona kuwa jambo hili serikali ya muungano italizuia basi mshirika huyo atakuwa tiyari kuomba ushirikiano, sasa katika hali kama hii itakuwa na mabalozi wawili. au mshirika antaka kuwa na kiti katika umoja wa mataifa na akungwa mkono na matifa mengine huko nje basi mshirika huyo atataka kuomba ushirikiano kutoka muungano.

suala hili ukiliangalia kwa namna nyingine utaona kabisa lisipoangaliwa litavunja muungano kwa sababu matifa mengine huko nje wanweza kuzitambua serikali za washirika kama matifa kamili suala linalo sabbisha double sovereignty na pengine itategemea na ni nani aliye tambua serikali hiyo anweza aktengeneza over sovereignty.

kwa kutambua uwepo wa urafiki na ujirani mwema sipingi serikali za washirika kuwa na marafiki au majirani ila sasa napendekeza maneno yaliyotumika yabdilike na yawe na hali ya kumlazimisha mshirika wa muungano kupata ridhaa ya serikali ya muungano kabla hajafanya mahusiano au mashirikiano ya kikanda na kimataifa.

AMANI NI SUALA LA NAFSI KURIDHIZIKA

Kume kuwa na mijadala mingi sana kuhusu amani hapa tanzania ambayo kimsingi lengo lake limeendelea kuwa ajenda ya wale wanojadiliana.  suala hili limekuwa kwa mara nyingi likihusishwa na mitizamo ya kisiasa, dini, kabila , na mali.

lakini suala la kujiuliza amani inasababishwa na nini? kwa hali ya kawaida hakuna nafsi inayokuwa na amani kama haijaridhika. mfano mdogo ni pale unapokuwa na shida ya namna yoyote nafsi yako inakosa amani, na tumezoea kuwa tunatumia maneno haya "jambo hili linaiigharimu nafsi yangu, linanyima amani". maneno haya maana yake ni sawa na hali ya unafsi kutoridhika.

nafsi kimsingi huwa inakuwa na shida zake kama yenyewe inapokuwa peke yake yaani haina washiriki wengine wa nafsi kama hile. lakini inapokuwepo au zinapokuwepo nafsi nyingine mara nyingi zinaridhika kwa kuwa na misingi ya vitu vya pamoja. mfano mnaweza mkasema kuwa nafsi zetu zitaridhika pale wote tukapo kuwa tumesinzia, basi sote tutatakiwa kusinzia ili turidhishe nafsi zetu na kuwa na amani.

Mkisha kuwa na muungano huo sasa mnakuwa na nafsi ya umoja ambayo ni jamii na nafsi za jamii zinaridhika pale misingi ya jamii inapotekelezwa na kuonekana inatekelezwa. Na msingi mkubwa wa jamii ni usawa sio wa kila mtu bali wa kila mwana jamii kutegemeana na ridhiki ya wanjamii wengine. hivyo msingi wa kuridhika hautakuwa utashi wa mtu bali ridhaa ya mtu kwa misingi hile.

hivyo kama jamii imekubaliana usawa, utu, umoja, ubinadamu na misingi mingine ya hivyo basi jamii hiyo haitakuwa na amani mpaka misingi hiyo itekelezwe na ionekane kabisa inatendeka. na pengine vinaweza kutokea vikundi vingine vyenye nguvu na pengine visivyo na nguvu na kuanza kugombana ili kurudisha hali ya kuridhiki kwa nafsi zao.

lakini pia kama vikundi hivyo vitatumia nafsi hiyo kutengeneza jamii nyingine ambayo kimsingi haikuwa misingi ya eneo lile basi vitatengeneza vita nyingine ambayo itavitaka kuwa na nguvu ili kuleta misingi mipya.

hivyo utakuwa wajibu wa kila mwanjamii husika kutunza misingi hile ya kuridhisha nafsi za jamii ambayo ndiyo msingi wa amani ya jamii hiyo. na matokeo yake ni amani.

HIVI NINI MAANA YA GREEN GUARD?

Napata shida sana na matamshi ya Mh JK ( raisi wetu), aliyoyatoa siku ya maazimisho ya miaka 50 ya JWTZ. raisi alikemea na kusuta watu wano andaa au vyama vya siasa vinavyo jipanga kufanya mafunzo ya mgambo kwa vijana wao? 

suala hili kwa tafsiri ya haraka haraka tunaweza kusema mhe Raisi anataka kuondoa shida ya kuja kuwa na majeshi ya waasi hapa nchini . au kuwa na kile wataalamu wa masuala ya sasa wankiita sub state within a state, ambaloni jambo la hatari kwa taifa.

lakini ukijiuliza kwa kina unajiuliza kuwa mbona upande wake kuna kikundi kinachofanana na kile cha upande wa pili? lakini pia tumeshuudia katika vipindi vy achaguzi hapa nchini hawa grreen guard ndio huwa wanhusika katika ulinzi wa shughuli za chama chake, pili hwa green guard wamepatiwa semina mbalimbali za mafunzo ya mgambo ambao kimsingi yanatengeneza kikundi ambacho ni jeshi lachama japo kuwa halina silaha ila lina utaalamu.

suala la kujiuliza hapa ni je ni msingi hupi inaomfanya raisi akemee vyama vingine kuwa na vijana wa namna hii. na kama upande mwingine wapo, je hii inathibitisha maneno ya gazeti la mawio la mjini moshi  lilokifanananisha chama cha mapinduzi na utawala wa faraho? kwamba kwa chama tawala suala ni utawala tu hata kama unaweza au huwezi, au jambo lolote litapimwa usafi kulingana na upande linakotoka, mfano utakuwa huna kosa kuwa na vijana wanopewa semina za mgambo kama wewe ni CCM lakini litakuwa kosa kuwa na vijana wa namna hiyo kama wewe unatoka upande mwingine.

mimi sio mtaalamu sana wa mambo haya lakini haya nimeyaona na nimeona sio vyema nia yaache yapite bila kuyajadili kwa kina.

WHY AU IS SKIPPING ITS RESPONSIBILITY

Few days past AU has suspended EGYPT AND CENTRAL REPUBLIC's membership from the union following the crisis that happens in these countries  the allegation to these countries was on unconstitutional transformation basically coined by western and America. 

But this is not the case to suspend or not to suspend is not our business the issue here is what are the responsibility of the union in relation to continental peace?

The acceptance that the revolution which they named it as coup was unconstitutional is the western clime without focus on Africa and African future.

Among the responsibility of AU from its successor OAU it was to restore peace and harmony within the continent, fight against all forms of oppression discrimination and torture, and generally to struggle for continental freedom.

To discuss on continental peace basically focusing the EGYPTIAN crisis is that the Union had the responsibility to take part in the crisis and engineer common consensus among parties in conflict. if we can call back the stance the military offered 48 hours altimultum to president to reconcile with his opponent and restore peace, what  we may argue as the good start for AU.

But the union decided to close the eyes and think in the eyes of the foreign and suspend on of the historical African giant country from the union. the question here is how will the AU intervene in the crisis? the answer is probably no way because of non recorgination of the parties in power. if that is the case then can we agree that AU as skipped the responsibility ? and therefore blessed killing and unrest in Egypt? if that is the case then whose union for?

Some people may think that the decisions by union is proper because it impose sanction to the government in power, but is that sanction effective?  the effectiveness and non effectiveness is not that issue to discus but does it help?

i think the union should go back and uncover the challenges ahead of them. because in most stances the union has been reacting passively to remember the Libyan crisis, kenya after election crisis, central republic crisis, Congo DRC and other part of the continent.